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  • Tom Girdler, the (never indicted) Al Capone of the Steel Biz

    [Read the article: Right-wing noise machine: Plame not covert]
    [Read more letters about this article: Here]

    The Memorial Day Massacre was on Sunday the 30th of May, 1937.

    Exactly 70 years ago. There are still a few survivors.

    Tom Girdler, the organizer of the murderous conspiracy, was never indicted.

    http://www.youngstownsteel.com/littlesteel01.html

    Big Steel, Little Steel, and C. I. O.
    By Benjamin Stolberg
    . . . The independent steel barons of course hate the "irresponsible" John Lewis and the Steel Workers Organizing Committee with murderous bitterness. Still, they hate Lewis as Capone might hate a hard-hitting district attorney . . .
    - - The Nation, July 31, 1937

    Drew Pearson, now frequently spinning in his grave, was Brit Hume's mentor's mentor:
    http://dspace.wrlc.org/doc/get/2041/17902/b03f01-1121zdisplay.pdf

    SUNDAY, NOVEMBER 21, 1937
    THE WASHINGTON MERRY-GO-ROUND
    (Trademark) By Drew Pearson and Robert S. Allen
    . . . Although little appears in the papers about them, some important casualties of recent labor strikes have been the lawyers who defended the unions. This has been especially true of C.I.O. lawyers, Most important cases are: Sidney Grant of Lewiston, Maine, sentenced to six months in jail for advising shoe strikers of their rights. N. D. Davis of Cleveland, suspended for a year, for advising the unemployed how to avoid court eviction notices. Edward Lamb of Toledo, faced with disbarment for his defense of C.I.O. shoe workers striking against the Williams Manufacturing Company in Southern Ohio. Lamb's case is the one immediately pending.


    Carefully picked by the C.I.O. because he had a background of Dartmouth, Harvard, and an Ohio family of good standing, Lamb first got into hot water when he subpoenaed Tom Girdler, President of Republic Steel, to testify regarding his purchases of tear gas, machine guns and other strike-fighting equipment.

    The courts found grounds to excuse Girdler from testifying . . .

    http://www.kentlaw.edu/ilhs/republic.htm

    . . . One man, in particular, stood out in the vehemence of his anti-union stance, Tom M. Girdler of Republic Steel.


    Girdler had worked his way up through the ranks of management for 30 years to become in 1930, the Chairman of the Board of the newly-formed Republic Steel Corp. Girdler totally controlled the operations, and sought to dominate the employees as completely. Through an Employee Representation Plan, or company union, Republic sought to divert the employees' away from true collective bargaining.

    Republic used espionage, firing of union men, and hiring of strikebreakers. It built up a stockpile of industrial munitions, including guns, tear gas, and clubs.

    . . . Despite the fact that no disturbance had taken place and despite a legal opinion to the effect that police should not interfere with peaceful picketing, the police under the orders of Captain James Mooney moved out through the gate into the street and forcefully broke up the picket line. They pushed it two blocks from the plant gate to 117th Street between Buffalo and Green Bay Avenues, arresting 23 persons when they refused to move.

    With this action, the police abandoned any role as impartial law enforcement officers and in the eyes of the strikers became parties to an industrial dispute as agents of Republic Steel.

    A strike headquarters was established in Sam's Place, an abandoned tavern and dance hall, at 113th and Green Bay Avenue, about six blocks northeast of the plant gate. A token number of pickets, usually six to eight, were allowed in front of the plant gate by the police, who had further identified themselves with Republic Steel by eating and sleeping in the plant, and by helping to unload supplies for the scabs. It was later learned that they also armed themselves from company stockpiles.

    . . . Suddenly, policemen in the front ranks drew their revolvers and fired point blank into the retreating marchers. Approximately 200 shots rang out. Within 15 seconds the shooting had ended, but the violence was not over.

    The entire police line now moved forward wielding billy clubs against any in the their path. Marchers who had dropped to the ground to avoid the bullets were struck repeatedly by policemen. Even women suffered from these indiscriminate beatings.

    . . . Four marchers had been fatally shot and six others were mortally wounded. Thirty others had suffered gunshot wounds. Twenty-eight required hospitalization for lacerations and contusions, and about thirty others received some sort of emergency medical treatment. The gunshot wounds of the dead were all back or side wounds . . .

    . . . Reactions to the Massacre occurred immediately following the event. Sympathetic protestors clogged the business district in South Chicago and angry strikers were almost ready to proclaim war against the police. The Chicago press, particularly the Chicago Tribune, branded the marchers as Communists . . .

    - - The Illinois Labor History Society

    http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,850363,00.html

    Girdler Writes a Book


    Tom Girdler's autobiography, told with professional Saturday Evening Post briskness, is more than the story of steel — more than another Horatio Alger success story.

    . . . Says Tom Girdler:

    "From that moment until now I have been unable to see how we could have prevented the clash. It happened only because the Communist leaders wanted it to happen. We had, literally, no part in it."

    - - Time Magazine, September 27, 1943

    http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,840582,00.html

    Died. Tom Mercer Girdler, 87, chairman of Republic Steel Corp. from 1937 to 1956, a tough-talking engineer . . . of a heart attack; in Easton, Md.
    - - Time Magazine, February 12, 1965

    To paraphrase H. Rap Brown:

    Unaccountability is as American as Cherry Pie.